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Unlike Udin who explicitly says his purpose in speaking Betawi is to guard it against obsolesence, Saka in CC does not have to justify his use of Javanese language. He uses this language to speak to Melanie, whom he knows is not from the local area. Saka is one of the student boarders there. Her description of him is given in 3. Tutur katanya lembut dan sopan banget.
Penampilannya terkesan jadul. Dengan baju lurik Jawa, sandal jepit, dan rambut yang dikucir dengan karet. Nuranindya His manner is gentle and very polite. His clothes look classically old fashioned. With a lurik shirt, thongs, and hair tied with a rubber band to a ponytail. Saka cleverly blends tradition with modernity by pairing traditional lurik with a flip-flop and ponytailed hair.
He introduces himself in krama, the high register of Javanese. It is also a symbolic act of inviting Melanie to adapt culturally to Yogya and Javanese culture. Like Udin, Saka is a minor character. He is only one among several people who befriends Melanie. But he is ideologically important. Saka embodies a modern Javanese youth identity. This is shown through several indices. Second, he is local to the city of Yogyakarta — a city known as a centre of Javanese culture and youth activism.
Thrid, he does not shy away from showing off his cultural roots. The author mentioned that CC was inspired by it interview with Dyan Nuranindya, Thus for her, being open to local influences lead to future opportunities. These come in the form of an internship at a prestigious batik boutique, followed by a scholarship to a Paris design school.
The difference is, whereas in CC this identity is highlighted through contrast with a Jakartan cosmopolitan identity, PoJ contrasts two Javanese identity positions: Like Fairish, the juxposition of different identities highlights the heterogeneity of an ethnic group. The novel opens with her meeting Stink, the dispreferred character. First of all, his name is not a flattering one for a young man though being an English word, it may sound like the name of a rock singer.
Third, Stink wears a batik shirt and a choker, and talks to his friends in ngoko, the low register of Javanese. Joy falls for Stink because his easygoing temperament. Her description of him is shown in 4. Dia aneh, urakan, cuek, tapi lucu, manis, dan perhatian banget. Kalau kamu sudah mengenalnya sih.
Terate When you get to know him that is. His unpredictable behaviour makes her realise that his carefree lifestyle does not suit her. She then begins to reorientate herself toward study and look to possibilities after high school. The novel ends with her developing a close friendship with Ronal. From Wening Joy learns about the different registers of Javanese and their social meanings This knowledge enables Joy to recognise that Stink is not the kind of person for her.
This realisation in turn enables her to understand her own mistakes and develops as a character. Meeting Ronal in this sense marks the new phase of her life. Only the champions of local cause are given indigenous names: Local characters — the language champions or the dispreferred characters — are characterised by low mobility.
While the main characters such as Davi in Fairish, Melanie in CC, and Joy in PoJ all come from outside the locality, the local champions remain in the locality throughout. The main characters undergo self-transformation through localisation but also have the social capital to chart a future trajectory beyond the local. The use of indigenous names and the rendering of relevant dialogues in local languages give local flavour and create an air of authenticity.
These are also a political act. To include Betawi or Javanese in a genre dominated by colloquial Jakartan Indonesian is to make a point about the value of these languages and the cultural heterogeneity of the speakers.
This act can be understood in different ways.
Alternatively, one can also interpret it as a didactic message, namely that young people should care about maintaining local cultures and languages and get directly involved in the efforts. Either way, it remains that the local characters are represented as socially peripheral.
At one level this representation could be considered as not being commensurate with the importance of the cause, and that it only reinforces the peripherality of marginal voices.
By having minor characters as language champions, the novels stay true to the small, peripheral scale of the voices of wong cilik.
Conclusion Teenlit is peripheral and localised in several senses. Though the genre links Indonesian writers and readers to their counterparts in the US and other parts of the world such as the UK and Australia where teenlit novels are published, the link is essentially unidirectional.
English language novels are imported to Indonesia and read either in original or through translation, while Indonesian novels are basically read by local audience because of the language in which they are written, a situation not dissimilar to that concerning the Tanzanian novel discussed by Blommaert Many Indonesian novels have been translated into English, but teenlit novels being of a pop genre, do not attract the interest of literary translators.
Indonesian teenlit thus remains peripheral in global fiction market. At story-world level, the inclusion of local languages such as Betawi and Javanese and their speakers may signal a renewed interest in ethnic identity and draw attention to the plight of marginal people. It also accentuates the stratification of language that Bakhtin Nevertheless, it is useful to remember that teenlit is read by middle-class Indonesians.
They are social agents who have the resources to take local issues at a broader level, either nationally or beyond it. In this sense, raising the language preservation issue in the novels could well be as a strategic move. References Atmowiloto, Arswendo. Gramedia Pustaka Utama. Bakhtin, M. The Dialogic Imagination: Four Essays. Michael Holquist. University of Texas Press. Blommaert, Jan. The Sociolinguistics of Globalization.
Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Djenar, Dwi Noverini. Almost unbridled: Indonesian youth language and its critics. The basic distinction in this scope is usually between intersentential switching. Nababan Code mixing often occurs within one sentence. Emblematic switching In this kind of code switching. Code mixing is a mixing of two codes or languages.
Types of code mixing. For instance: Speaker 1: You got the point! In this conversation. Bolehkah saya tahu nama anda. Talking about a particular topic People sometimes prefer to talk about a particular topic in one language rather than in another. For instance. Quoting somebody else A speaker switches code to quote a famous expression.
May I know your name. The case can be found in Singapore. Involving a change of pronunciation This kind of code mixing occurs at the phonological level. The switch involves just the words that the speaker is claiming the quoted person said. Y luego decla and then he said.
Those are: Intra-lexical code mixing This kind of code mixing which occurs within a word boundary. Malay as the language of the region. In Indonesian. What is a name. The switch like a set of quotation marks.
According to Hoffman And do come again. They have no grammatical value. The following are examples of the usage of interjection in sentences: Andale pues O.
Interjection inserting sentence fillers or sentence connectors Interjection is words or expressions. Interjection is a short exclamation like: My wallet was left in the taxi! It means to make the content of his speech runs smoothly and can be understood by the listener. Being emphatic about something express solidarity As usual. It may happen unintentionally. A repetition is not only served to clarify what is said. A message in one code is repeated in the other code in somewhat modified form.
Language switching and language mixing among bilingual or multilingual people can sometimes mark an interjection or sentence connector. Repetition used for clarification When a bilingual or multilingual person wants to clarify his speech so that it will be understood better by listener. When an EnglishIndonesian bilingual has a word that is lacking in English.
And vice versa. To exclude other people when a comment is intended for only a limited audience Sometimes people want to communicate only to certain people or community they belong to. John J Gumperz in Jendra. To soften or strengthen request or command For Indonesian people. If it put into Indonesian. For example.
Expressing group identity Code switching and code mixing can also be used to express group identity. The way of communication of academic people in their disciplinary groupings. To avoid the other community or interference objected to their communication by people. As the addition. The table below presents summarized differences between code switching and code mixing according to the several views described here: In code mixing.
Another view about how to define between code switching and code mixing is related to the formality of the situation. A different view proposed to separate the two said that if it involves changing into a foreign clause or a sentence. Population and Sample Rahardi The method in research is selected by considering its appropriateness with the research object. The research is conducted by qualitative approach because the result of the data analyzed is in descriptive phenomenon such as words.
This research method is arranged based on the problem analyzed and the main purpose of the research. Research Approach The research design of this study is descriptive qualitative method since it provides a systematic.
As a result. It is called qualitative one. Primary data is the data gained directly from the source meanwhile secondary data is the one gained indirectly. In this thesis. Arranging the research method is the initial step before doing the process of collecting data and analyzing them. In this research. According to Koentjaraningrat A method is a kind of systematical work plan in order to make the research work become easier.
Nawawi In conducting the research. After having population. This method is based on the data which are words and not about the number Sudaryanto. In this chapter. The chosen sample absolutely has the characteristics of code switching and code mixing. Beside descriptive method. According to Singarimbun and his friends The steps that the writer take in analyzing the data are as follows: Padan method is research method which its determiner device is outside of language.
The writer uses the padan method to analyze type and reason of code switching and mixing. While the writer uses padan method in analyzing type and reason because she uses the story background of the characters in the teenlit to analyze the type and reason.
Some other statements or utterances that are in English or Indonesian only are excluded because they do not contain language switching and mixing. Daya pilah can be divided into five which are referential daya pilah.
The writer tries to take a note on the statements or utterances that is produced by all of the characters in the teenlit Canting Cantiq. Method of Collecting the Data In collecting the data.
Choosing the statements or utterances which have the characteristics of code switching. That statement can be found in page 74 in teenlit Canting Cantiq. The determiner device is daya pilah which is about the mental of the speaker. The technique in padan method consists of basic technique which is called pilah unsur tertentu. The realization of the data can be a word. What the writer apply is reading and observing the conversations in the teenlit. Method of Analyzing the Data After gaining and collecting the data.
Now there is no the perfect Melanie Adiwijoyo again. In the use of padan method. The word italic form above is the datum of this research that will be analyzed about its type and reason of producing code switching and mixing. Unit of Analysis Unit of analysis on this research is one statement that is spoken by the characters in teenlit Canting Cantiq.
Sekarang nggak ada lagi si perfect Melanie Adiwijoyo. Reading and understanding the whole teenlit Canting Cantiq. In this technique. Classifying the data based on the types and the reason of the use of code switching and code mixing.
While informal presentation method is the writer presents the data analysis result by using words or sentences without symbol. Drawing conclusion. Formal presentation method is the writer presents the data analysis result by using symbol. The Presentation Method of the Data Analysis Result There are two kinds of presentation method of data analysis result. The writer chooses them because the writer in presenting the data analysis result uses the sentences to explain clearly and uses table to easier the reader to understand the data analysis result.
Describing the types and the reasons of code switching and mixing sample that are found in the teenlit Canting Cantiq. A paper about code switching for sample to make english paper. Flag for inappropriate content. Related titles. To Malang speakers, Jakarta is a region with cosmopolitan and modern affordances.
The light accent in which Jakartans speak is part of this conceptualisation. To say that one is not able to emulate this accent is, in effect, to admit to corporeal limitation.
Referring to the addressee in a less than perfect accent is acceptable as it denotes the other and can be positively seen as accommodating, but identifying oneself with gue may prove to be too much of a self-exposure. In this sense, though the pair gue and e lu are reflexes of speaker and addressee roles, they are valued differently. Pre-publication version November 14 To appear in: It is significant that the strong association between gue and the Jakartan identity indicated by the Malang speaker should find its representation in teen fiction.
In Canting Cantiq, a novel by Dyan Nuranindya , the form gue is consistently used by the protagonist, Melanie Adiwijoyo. Melanie is the daughter of a furniture magnate who went bankrupt and is forced to give up his family home. Sent to live with her grandfather in Yogyakarta or Yogya , Melanie finds herself in an unfamiliar place with unfamiliar people.
Yogyakarta is known as the seat of Javanese culture. As shown later in this chapter, Melanie continues to use gue despite the fact that young people she meets and with whom she becomes close friends do not use this form. She does not accommodate to the speech style of these other characters, and nor do they to her. Fiction, as a form of narrative, does not speak about real-life experiences. Rather, as Semino But fictional narrative is itself based on what Fludernik However, they do alternate between other forms, signalling shifts in positioning in relation to her.
Pre-publication version November 15 To appear in: According to Fludernik, readers are active actors who construct meanings based on familiar cognitive schemata. They do this when they interpret fictional stories in the same way as when they respond to real-life stories relayed in conversation. However, I would propose that writers too impose familiar schemata cognitive frames when constructing stories. Embedded within such schemata are the categorial effects of pronouns and their typical sociospatial associations, such that when these schemata are invoked, their sociospatial anchoring is also invoked.
For example, the use of papa by a teen character to refer to her father would signal her urban, middle-class background, in contrast to another character who uses bapak to index her lower socio-economic background.
Pre-publication version November 16 To appear in: How do writers become familiar with teen schemata? Apart from having been teenagers themselves or having teenage children, writers of teen fiction are exposed to such schemata and become familiar with typical situational details through exposure to and engagement with various forms of media, particularly television and social media where youth styles of speaking and interacting are ubiquitous. Teenlit writers are familiar with two elements expected by their publishers: Within these broad requirements they are free to explore their own styles, including the choice of pronouns.
Thus in addition to gue and aku, they may use saya or personal name for self-reference. As discussed below, variation of person form is common in Indonesian. Pre-publication version November 17 To appear in: In his description of colloquial Indonesian, Ewing Sneddon There are a considerable number of personal pronouns in CJI, particularly for first person. But even in similar social situations different speakers of similar age, education and social group, may make quite different choices and, moreover, many alternate between different pronouns in what seems a random fashion.
Sneddon found the following pronouns in his conversation and interview data, some more common than others: Pre-publication version November 18 To appear in: In addition to the above pronouns, speakers also use kin terms and personal names for first and second person references.
Titles are also used for second and third person references. Kami is also used for singular or plural first person, but never inclusive. Sneddon focuses his study on speakers from Jakarta.
This association remains strong particularly in relation to first- and second-person pronouns, as indicated by Manns , Ewing All these previous studies suggest that spatial and social ordering is an important dimension of pronoun use. Pre-publication version November 19 To appear in: In what follows I show how the findings from conversation are mirrored in teen fiction.
Ten of the fifteen stories in the novels under study are set in Jakarta, four in Yogya, and one in both Jakarta and Yogya. All stories contain representations of interaction by members of friendship groups and most stories deal with the theme of romantic relationships. In the story set in both Jakarta and Yogya, all four forms are found.
Variation of forms in this story is discussed in more detail in section 6. The default patterns for the Jakarta stories and the Yogya stories are illustrated below. Pre-publication version November 20 To appear in: Gue mau ngomong niiih! I reeeally want to tell [you] something!
Yang jelas, jangan rese, ya. Awas lo! Just remember that! Pre-publication version November 21 To appear in: Like in the previous examples, in 6 and 7 gue and e lo occur in the speech of peer group members.
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This pair contrasts with the aku-kamu set in the speech of romantic partners shown in 8 and 9. Pre-publication version November 22 To appear in: Lo sih, beraninya cuma ngeliatin doang.
Sapa dia dong! Why not say hello! Pre-publication version November 23 To appear in: Habis itu sih nggak ada apa-apa lagi. After that, no plans. Aku and kamu and its enclitic form —mu, marking possessor occur in the speech of the girl protagonist, Ocha. Example 10 shows Ocha talking to close friend Pia. Aku temenin sampe mbakmu jemput deh!
I will stay here with you until your older sister picks you up, ok! Pre-publication version November 24 To appear in: Gue and elo are the default forms for peer group members and siblings in the Jakarta stories, while aku and kamu are the default forms for participants in the Yogya stories.
Aku and kamu are also used by characters in a romantic relationship, both in the Jakarta and Yogya stories. Considering the range of forms available in Indonesian, and the relative freedom that writers have to craft their writing style, it is surprising to find the patterns of preferences in the novels. One might object that the relative uniformity observed here is an effect of genre. Pre-publication version November 25 To appear in: Pre-publication version November 26 To appear in: The most common second person forms are e lu and kamu.
This pattern is mirrored in the Jakarta stories. The default forms in the Yogya stories are aku and kamu for first and second persons respectively.
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Ewing Englebretson I would argue that aside from a region-based differentiation Jakartan youth speakers prefer gue , social age and discourse type are the main differentiating factors for saya. Pre-publication version November 27 To appear in: The preference for aku in teenlit accords with this view. Teenlit novels generally focus on the relation between members of friendship groups. It makes sense therefore that a form typically associated with casual attitudes should be preferred.
Situational variation So far we have established the patterns of pronoun choice in terms of collective preferences. To what extent can we consider the pronouns as emerging from and tied to situational contingencies and reflecting individual preferences?
As noted by Sneddon Types of discourse e. Pre-publication version November 28 To appear in: Other motivating factors for variation, as noted by previous studies, include a change of addressee, performance and stance-taking, and accommodation. For example, two teenagers on gue-elo terms may shift to aku- kamu as they enter into a romantic relationship, and may revert to gue-elo in times of conflict. The Jakarta stories suggest that the shift from gue-elo to aku-kamu among participants who are moving from being friends to being romantic partners forms a shared pattern.
This contrasts with the pattern for peer interaction in the Jakarta stories in which gue-elo is the preferred forms. This is different in the Yogya stories where there is no change of form. The preference for aku-kamu in romantic relationships reflects the typification of these pronouns as ones that can be used to convey closeness and intimate familiarity without the coarseness of the Jakartan gue-elo. I now turn to two examples to show how situational use draws from as well as reinforces sociospatial ordering.
The first example is taken from Canting Cantiq Nuranindya , the novel mentioned earlier. Pre-publication version November 29 To appear in: Saka explains that he is one of the student boarders there. Kemudian ia tersenyum simpul. Nuranindya Then he smiled in amusement.
Pre-publication version November 30 To appear in: Gue identifies Melanie as a Jakartan and differentiates her from Saka who is from Yogya. The co-occurrence of this pronoun with the name Jakarta in her utterance makes explicit that regional differentiation.
In this context, gue produces a distancing effect. By using gue in Yogya — a place where this pronoun is not common — and to a person she presumes to be a servant, Melanie distances herself from what she perceives as a lesser social position.
This distancing is an effect that emerges from this situational context, but also draws from the typification of gue as an index of a Jakartan identity.