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improve its work should not be missed. 3. Bodies such as the Human Rights Council have the . Rights Programme (PNDH-3), adopted in It sets. PNDH-3 was created by Minister Paulo Vannuchi, leader of the Special URL [accessed 29 May ]. PNDH-3 incorporated policies and programs specific to the disabled .. of São Paulo,

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2do Cycle UPR Venezuela. National Human Rights Plan. (PNDH) State, 2 of the National Assembly, and 3 of human rights organizations, chosen by the. of the actions of PNDH 4. In , the SEDH launched the oficinas/Nota% 20Tecnica%20no%pdf. Accessed October 6, The 3rd National Human Rights Programme (PNDH-3) /portal/images/stories/PDFs/

Mostrar registro completo. JavaScript is disabled for your browser. Some features of this site may not work without it. Like a woof, we analyze the semantic disputes that cross the claims from human rights, the theological thinking and that are associated with democratic achievements. Arendt s thinking and theological reflections gestated in the postcolonial and freedom context are the main theoretical framework, presented in the introduction, along with methodological aspects. In the first chapter, the meanings of justice are analyzed from the experiences of injustice, in places of denial of inhabiting the city, denial for the memory of missing political people and of sociability that, by fear and distrust of public institutions, accomplishes justice by lynching.

The military regime in Brazil was ruled by military presidents on a rotational basis, rather than strong dictators. Compared to Argentina and Chile, the number of dead and disappeared in Brazil was much lower: Therefore, the number of families directly affected by human rights violations was accordingly smaller in Brazil, which arguably made a reworking of the military past less of an immediate concern.

While the annual economic growth rates achieved in Brazil were undeniably historic, scholars have criticised the miracle myth for concealing the fact that the one-sided growth deepened social divisions and augmented the national debt. Hence, the legacy of the armed forces in Brazil was more ambivalent than in Argentina. Debates about the Amnesty Law have played a key role in the memory discourse about the military past in Brazil. The amnesty movement, which gained impetus from onwards, was one of the first movements to break the silence surrounding memory.

It enjoyed widespread public support and contributed to the Amnesty Law, which was partly a response to the demands of the opposition Alves, Carlos Fico highlights the delicate political situation during which the amnesty was negotiated, as the policies initially followed by President Geisel were attacked by hardliners, or linha dura, a more radical camp of the regime who favoured the military remaining in power. At that time, the strategy of the opposition was one of conciliation and they accepted the general Amnesty Law even if it meant granting total impunity to military officials involved in the repressive organs Skidmore, Although the Amnesty Law was issued by the military regime, no post- civilian government has annulled it since.

In contrast, the Argentineans revoked their Amnesty Law in , resulting in several military generals being sentenced and imprisoned throughout the s, including the former dictator Jorge Rafael Videla Catela, Among Latin American countries, Argentina has been the one to punish those responsible for state violence most rigorously, while others have been characterised by partial impunity. In Uruguay, the public took to the streets when the government tried to abandon the amnesty issue, but when the citizens were asked to decide whether to revoke the Amnesty Law, 57 per cent of the population out of an Recent debates about the Amnesty Law have prompted new public disputes about the military past.

Two incidents played a significant role: Paradoxically, the court could not pass a criminal judgement, because the Amnesty Law protected Ustra from judicial punishment. In other words, the Ustra case was a symbolic trial against a convicted torturer who, according to the Amnesty Law, enjoyed general amnesty and therefore could not be punished. Partly due to the Ustra case, the Amnesty Law has been increasingly questioned.

On 28 April , the Brazilian Supreme Court took a historic decision when it refused to revoke the Amnesty Law by seven votes to two Folha Online, b.

The upholding of the Amnesty Law does not necessarily equate to denying the military past. Supreme Court Minister Eros Grau, who was himself tortured during the regime, voted against the revocation but warned that the practice of torture should not be forgotten Folha Online, b.

Thus, the debate about the Amnesty Law is controversial and complex. Although judicial prosecutions are an effective catalyst and highly symbolic, they are not the only form of public remembrance of the authoritarian past.

Many post-authoritarian countries opted for Truth Commissions that operated without judicial prosecutions such as the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa — The planned Brazilian Truth Commission will not have the right to punish either, but to investigate human rights violations and write a report that incorporates recommendations Folha Online, a.

Eventually, politicians actively addressed this question and the protection of human rights was ele- vated to become the foundation of the new democracy Jelin, He argued that he wanted to avoid a national schism. These laws were revoked in by President Kirchner opening the way for further prosecutions.

In Brazil, by contrast, vic- tim support groups and human rights organisations still struggle to capture widespread public sympathy. Schneider reported that the group Torture Never More unsuccessfully tried to erect a statue in memory of the torture victims in Rio at Flamengo beach.

These groups exerted prolonged pressure on the state to take steps towards tackling the military legacy Santos, Teles and Teles, Families furthermore demanded that the state must explain the circumstances under which guerrilla fighters in Araguaia were murdered, and take responsibility for finding their dead bodies.

The Araguaia guerrillas constitute the biggest group of victims during the regime, with a total of 64 cases of murder, of which most of the dead bodies are still missing. According to the official report of the SEDH and human rights activists, for a lengthy period the state sabotaged the investigation of these cases SEDH, Statesmen also repressed memory by blocking access to archive material.

For the first time in the history of Brazil, the Constitution of adopted a Freedom of Information Act giving citizens the right to access data held by public bodies Costa, In , the so-called Archive Law ordered that public documents must be preserved for subsequent public viewing, and established that further decrees would regulate the terms for access Costa, A decree elaborated criteria for classifying the documents and delegated responsibility for control over access conditions to a committee.

However in , President Fernando Henrique Cardoso reversed the process of liberalisation only three days before leaving office, issuing a decree that drastically prolonged the closure of government files to the public. This decree undermined the recommendations of the Conselho Nacional de Arquivos, Conarq National Archive Council by permitting the files to remain closed for years Fico, Although it violated the Archive Law, which had ruled that the closure period should be determined by a special commission rather than the government, the Brazilian Congress ratified this law in Other than material from the former political police, which some regional governments opened for consultation in the s Catela, In short, the overall strategy of post governments has been to silence the military past.

The extent of the power retained by the armed forces after redemocratisation is a contentious issue among scholars.

Although less powerful today than under military rule, in December the armed forces were still sufficiently influential to force President Lula to water down the proposal for the Truth Commission. Whereas the Argentinean population mobilised to advance the human rights agenda and exert pressure on the state, in Brazil public inertia and differences of opinion enabled the state to silence the authoritarian past.

Scholars readily quote Maurice Halbwachs, although, as Peter Burke Kerwin Lee Klein Ludmila da Silva Catela As Catela Gavriel D. Rosenfeld In contrast to Argentina, the key feature of Brazilian collective memory has been silence and polarisation, as public consensus is lacking, and a significant number of Brazilians view the military era in a positive way.

Public consensus has not yet materialised in decisive forms such as opinion polls in which a clear majority condemns the regime, less contested interpretations of the regime, or museums, statues and educational activities, not only unanimously patronised by the state but also endorsed by the public.

Survey responses confirm that public opinion on military rule is highly fragmented. On 27 March , the Folha de S. Most respondents 51 per cent believed responsibility for this crisis lay with the post governments whereas only 15 per cent blamed the military regime. While the validity of these surveys has been questioned, a qualitative oral history sample I collected in in Rio confirms these results and illustrates that public opinion on the military regime is profoundly divided.

Since my interview sample Pinto, Joao, was small, the interviewees picked randomly and the survey deliberately qualitative, the responses cannot be regarded as representative of the Brazilian population.

PnDH-3 - Ministério da Justiça

Nonetheless, the varying views that crossed the boundaries of gender, age and class confirm that Brazilian society is deeply divided. Using the narrative method, I found critical and sympathetic voices among all groups.

Some interviewees also had ambivalent views or gave contradictory responses: Several interviewees praised economic progress and modernisa- tion under the regime, while not denying that harsh repression also occurred.

To illustrate this, in the armed forces published a fifteen-volume edition of oral history interviews related to the military regime. The term suggests that certain courses of actions, such as the demand to prosecute torturers, are pursued for personal vengeance, when in fact they belong to a public and political, and not a private, sphere Greco, Fostering the Memory of Left-wing Opposition Groups During the last five years, I argue, the memory of the military regime in Brazil has started to alter, as the state has adopted a new policy.

The Federal Government now actively champions the remembrance of the authoritarian past and attempts to mobilise a public memory culture. As a first step, Human Rights Minister Vannuchi launched two major projects: This recent course of action has materialised in educational programmes, monuments, museum spaces and official reports on human rights violations, all focusing on victims of torture and death.

PnDH-3 - Ministério da Justiça

It also introduces the structure of the DEOPS and reconstructs everyday life in the prison cells during the military regime. Marcelo Ridenti The new memory discourse clearly silences this debate. A network of archives is being established to enable researchers to download documents. Further initiatives include expositions, books, educational material, seminars and awards for monographs on the military regime, the first to be announced in November The question arises of why state interference should occur at this particular point.

Besides the fact that more time has passed, demands from international human rights organisations certainly provide another explanation. The President of the OAB, Cezar Britto, recently defended the Truth Commission, pointing out the paradox that Brazil was protecting democracy in Haiti, but was afraid to deal with its own past Lima, International demands on the Brazilian government, prosecution in Latin American neighbour states and the general global support for human rights are indisputably pushing the Brazilian government towards taking action.

In November , the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Navanethem Pillay, claimed that torture could not go unpunished, and that the lack of debate about torture was, in fact, likely to strengthen the current practice of torture.

Another international institution pressuring Brazil - alluded to earlier - is the IACHR, which disapproves of amnesty laws issued under non-democratic regimes Santos, Teles and Teles, Vannuchi and his followers have frequently drawn attention to international demands to bolster their claims.

As union leader, Lula himself played a key role in opposing the military regime and in the process of democratisation Alves, In December , approval for his government rose to If Dilma Roussef loses the presidential election, Lula will have ensured that he pushed forward that agenda while still in office. Conceiving of the collective memory of the military past as a struggle, I briefly want to illustrate that frictions have now advanced beyond the government.

On 13 January , the magazine Veja The Federal Minister Paulo Vannuchi, ex-militant of a terrorist group and drafter of that decree: Rolim also demonstrates that many of the points objected to had already been accepted as part of the national human rights plans issued under ex-President Fernando Henrique Cardoso.

Conclusion During the last five years, I have argued, the Brazilian state has developed a new strategy: While Human Rights Minister Vannuchi launched a series of memory programmes without major opposition, struggles have recently culminated in a crisis extending beyond the government.

A historic proposal for a National Truth Commission in December prompted protests from Defence Minister Jobim and the armed forces who blackmailed Lula to modify the project. Considering that previously the most significant actors breaking the silence were families of victims, human rights organisations, lawyers, academics and the Catholic Church, Brazil has come a long way.

A Truth Commission would represent a landmark in the struggle for a public memory culture of the military regime. McKee and her interviewees. Ridenti, and R. O golpe e a ditadura militar: Bauru, 29— URL http: Albuquerque, F.

Alves, M. Incentivar a c. Garantir o. Suprir parcialmente as nec.

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